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Info-Digest

December 4, 2009

№ 27

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Lavrov Interview to the Greek Newspaper Kathimerini, December 2, 2009


Question: In Greece, a new government has begun to work, the Government of George Papandreou. What is your initial assessment regarding the future of Russian-Greek relations? What areas do you think need to be paid special attention?

Lavrov: Russian-Greek relations are rooted in the centuries-old history of ties between our peoples. They have always been built on a solid foundation of mutual trust and sympathy.

Greece is a proven friend and reliable partner for us. Today, we are actively building up our contacts, which are characterized by a high level of cooperation in various fields. We are together realizing large-scale bilateral projects in energy and military-technical cooperation, are working together to strengthen peace, stability and security on the European continent, and from congruent positions react to key international problems.

I am confident that with the coming to power in a snap parliamentary election of the new government headed by George Papandreou, our relations not only will not lose the momentum of recent years, but will be further developed. There are all necessary preconditions – in both the political and economic sphere. During the first contacts with the leadership of Greece, the mutual intention was affirmed to continue the policy of deepening cooperation between our countries across the board.

We can and must take our collaboration to an even higher level – actively deepen the bilateral political dialogue, consistently develop the strategic partnership in the economy, including energy, in the sphere of military-technical cooperation, and complement it with new areas of partnership.

НЕ нашли? Не то? Что вы ищете?

Question: Energy cooperation is a central element of our bilateral relations. Our countries have signed the two agreements regarding the projects for the oil pipeline Burgas-Alexandroupolis and the gas pipeline South Stream. Could you tell us at what stage the realization of these projects is, and whether you share Greece’s environmental concerns about the Burgas-Alexandroupolis oil pipeline project?

Lavrov: Indeed, one of the key elements of our economic relations is cooperation in the energy sector. Over the past few years, we have made significant strides here. Signed and ratified are the agreements on cooperation in the construction and operation of the Burgas-Alexandroupolis oil pipeline and South Stream gas pipeline.

We remember that the basis of this cooperation was laid during PASOK’s tenure in office. The practical implementation of these large-scale energy projects will help ensure energy security on the European continent and strengthen the relations of partnership and mutual understanding between Russia and the EU. I am sure that Russian-Greek cooperation in the energy sector will continue to develop in an equally vigorous manner.

With regard to the status of realization of these projects, the work continues. The challenge now is not to slow the pace, and to complete the procedures necessary to start their practical implementation.

We know that in respect of the construction of the Burgas-Alexandroupolis oil pipeline, concerns of an ecological nature have been periodically expressed. We have repeatedly, including at the highest level, stated that the work on its construction will be carried out based on considerations of environmental safety.

If necessary, and with the consent of all three countries involved, the pipeline route could be adjusted. At the same time it is well known that Russia has the advanced technology to ensure environmental safety when building energy infrastructure facilities, including the construction of oil pipelines.

Question: Currently, negotiations are continuing on a Cyprus settlement. How do you assess their progress, and is it likely that Russia will recognize “Northern Cyprus,” as it did in the case of Abkhazia and South Ossetia?

Lavrov: We are closely following the ongoing direct intercommunity talks in Cyprus. We know that they are not easy. We hope that the parties demonstrate the political will to ensure that, at the final stage of talks, a compromise is found on the outstanding issues of negotiation chapters.

We commend the progress made to date. Encouraging are the constructive attitude, the commitment to a search for negotiated solutions, and the focus on compromise shown by the leaders of both communities – the President of Cyprus, Dimitris Christofias, and the Turkish Cypriot leader, Mehmet Ali Talat.

Russia strongly advocates that all efforts to promote a settlement on the island rely on a solid foundation of international law, particularly the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The international community, represented, above all, by the Mission of Good Offices of the UN Secretary General, must help the parties organize the work, but in no circumstances impose solutions or set artificial deadlines for reaching agreement.

Regarding the second part of your question, there are now a lot of enthusiasts for drawing parallels between certain aspects of the situation around the new independent states of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and a number of internationally unrecognized state entities, including “Northern Cyprus.” Frankly – with all sorts of comparisons you must be careful: they are relative, are far from life, are counterproductive, and in the case of Cyprus are absolutely irrelevant. There was no question of our recognition of “Northern Cyprus,” nor is there.

Our principled position on the Cyprus problem has not changed – we are in favor of achieving a just, viable and comprehensive settlement in the interest of all Cypriots, both Greeks and Turks, on the basis of the relevant decisions of the UN Security Council and the voluntary, without pressure from outside, consent of the parties themselves. The parties continue to meet, respect the previous agreements on the settlement principles, and do not nurture any use-of-force plans. President Saakashvili acted in a diametrically opposite way in August 2008, when he gave the criminal order to attack South Ossetia in violation of international humanitarian law and the obligations of Georgia under the agreements on a peaceful settlement of the conflict.

Question: President Medvedev and you personally were the first using all diplomatic tools to raise the question of European security. Today, after discussing it with all your European counterparts, please share how Europe reacts to this sensitive issue?

Lavrov: A year ago, Russia came up with the initiative to craft and sign a European Security Treaty. Its meaning is very simple – to create a common space in the field of politico-military security in the Euro-Atlantic area so as to finally do away with the legacy of the Cold War. We have proposed in a legally binding form to confirm the principle of indivisibility of security articulated in several documents of the OSCE, the Russia-NATO Council and other international organizations. It comes down to an absolutely clear formula – no state, no international organization or association can strengthen their security at the expense of the security of other countries or organizations. This would create a fundamentally new quality of politico-military security in the Euro-Atlantic area, and would provide a guarantee of stability in the historically foreseeable future.

As is known, the implementation of large-scale foreign policy initiatives that require combining the efforts of a wide range of interested states is not a single-day job. We understand this well and are keen on building a truly reliable architecture of European security.

At the same time, in just one year the substantive exchange of views initiated by us on ways of improving the European security system based on the idea of a European Security Treaty has gained significant momentum and created generally favorable conditions for launching a substantive and equal negotiation process with the participation of all states and organizations operating in the so-called hard security sphere in the Euro-Atlantic region.

The historical importance of the task before us requires that this process be focused on achieving results and not be reduced to political bargaining, trade-offs or artificial linkages with other issues.

As shown by the discussion at prestigious international venues, key Western countries recognize the need for serious discussion of the state of the European security architecture with regard for the European Security Treaty initiative. Constructive signals are received from the EU and NATO.

Taking into account the discussions held with partners, Russia has prepared a draft of the Treaty. President Dmitry Medvedev has sent it to all states in the Euro-Atlantic area and the executive heads of international organizations active in this space in the realm of politico-military security. We’re looking forward to a substantive discussion on that basis. And we’re looking forward to continued fruitful cooperation with the Greek friends in the work of renovating our big common European house.

Question: The election of Barack Obama as President of the United States has generated optimism concerning relations between Russia and the United States. About a year after the election of Obama and after the meetings of President Medvedev and your contacts with the American colleagues do you share this optimism, or do you consider that many of the bilateral issues are in the same condition as they were when the George Bush administration was in office?

Lavrov: A few words about optimism. It seems to me that during the Bush administration, which focused on building a US-led unipolar world and acted accordingly, displeasure was manifest to some or other extent all over the world, including among the closest US allies, with the fact that the United States often simply ignored the interests of other countries in addressing global and regional problems.

All were interested in a change in American politics. On the other hand, at some point it became clear to the United States itself that the previous methods did not work and that it could not cope alone. So the new foreign policy approaches proclaimed by Obama generated great expectations and optimism among many. Perhaps this is natural.

As regards Russia, in our relations with the United States we always remain realistic and do not rely on emotions. We have taken note of the statements made by Barack Obama and proposed a scheme for constructing pragmatic, mutually beneficial and long-term Russian-American relations. They must, of course, be based on equality, transparency and the mutual consideration of interests.

During a whole series of contacts at the highest level, the sides have managed to agree on principles and main thrust areas for cooperation. In July of this year, during Obama’s visit to Moscow, the Presidents of our countries adopted an Action Plan which sets very realistic objectives in different areas ranging from military-strategic issues to humanitarian exchanges. The Russian-American Presidential Commission, made up of 16 working groups, was established and has begun to operate, which not only will structurally streamline our relations, but also will develop proposals for their expansion and deepening. A number of important bilateral agreements on strategic offensive arms and on cooperation with regard to Afghanistan have been elaborated. A more advanced understanding has been achieved on cooperation in the missile defense sphere, in the nuclear field and in the settlement of a number of regional conflicts. All this allows us to hope that Russian-US relations are beginning to acquire a new quality.

Of course, more definitely this can be said as work progresses, and most importantly – by its results. Much will depend on how well the sides will adhere to the agreed principles. We believe that Russian-US relations have good *****ssia and the US must avail themselves of the emerging opportunities not only to improve our bilateral relations but also to create a more favorable climate in the world which would conduce to finding answers to the unprecedented global challenges of today.

Question: How does Russia feel about attempts to equally blame Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union for the outbreak of World War II, using as a main argument the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact?

Lavrov: Unfortunately, the talk about the outcome of the Second World War features a lot of blatant lies, momentary expediency and selfishness.

The history of World War II was rewritten more than once. But even during the bipolar confrontation, no one ever tried to equate the Nazi regime and the dictatorship of Stalin. It did not occur to anyone to compare the Nazi threat, which meant the enslavement and destruction of whole peoples, and the politics of the Soviet Union, which turned out to be the only force capable of initially opposing the war machine of Hitler’s Germany, and at the final stage – ensuring its defeat, which was accelerated by the opening, albeit belatedly, of a Second Front in Europe in 1944. This difference was well understood by those for whom the pace of the Red Army’s advance was a matter of life and death.

The height of historical revisionism is an attempt to put an equal sign between August 23 and September 1, 1939 – the conclusion of the Soviet-German Nonaggression Pact and the intrusion of German troops into Poland. These two events are completely pulled out of the general historical context, leaving out the Munich Agreement of 1938, which led to the dismemberment and occupation of Czechoslovakia, and the whole sequence of other events that consistently prepared and directed German aggression towards the East.

As President Medvedev, speaking in October in Belgrade, emphasized, Russia is for an honest analysis of the lessons of history. Therefore, the enthusiasts for distorting historical facts should be reminded of the responsibility of those who preferred collaborationism to resisting Hitler’s Germany or methodically supported it with their supplies.

Lessons from the past teach us not to seek answers to problems and crises by pursuing destructive and confrontational policies, but to unite in the face of the formidable challenges which threaten the future of the entire European continent and the world. This approach underlies Russia's initiative to establish a modern and effective security architecture in the Euro-Atlantic region.

December 2, 2009


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Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation

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