Трудности перевода общественно - политического текста с английского языка на русский (стр. 23 )

32. When overseas aid was under Foreign Office control, it was clearly a tool of foreign policy as well as a way of helping poor countries.

And it sometimes subsidised British business by being tied to British goods and services. But that approach clearly had drawbacks. Aid priori­ties were distorted by the pursuit of commercial advantage. Britain, for example, was discovered to be funding a dubious dam project in Malaysia in the hope of winning arms sales. When New Labour came into office, it announced that aid should be purely for helping the poor.

33. Modern youth becomes the dreaded avenging angel of his parents, since he holds the power to prove his parents' success or failure as parents and this counts so much more now, since his parents' economic success is no longer so important in a society of abundance. Youth itself, feeling in­secure because of its marginal position in a society that no longer depends on it for economic security, is tempted to use the one power this reversal between the generations has conferred on it: to be accuser, and judge of the parents' success or failure as parents.

34. With monetary policy in the hands of the European Central Bank, fiscal policy — budget deficits and surpluses a la Keynes — is the re­maining tool with which the member states of European Economic and Monetary Union, or EMU, can affect their own growth and employment.

35. The sense of energy and optimism generated by Mr. Blair's at­tempt to create a brave new Britain could easily give way to disillusion­ment — as it did in the 1970s — if his government cannot turn visionary rhetoric into something rather more substantial.

36. It is less than a month since the prime minister decided to break cover, stand up in the House of Commons, launch his «national changeo­ver plan», and make it plain to anyone who had ever doubted it that he really did intend to lead Britain into the promised land of the euro.

This was the very week in which big business started to fire its pro-euro artillery, with the official launch of the «Britain in Еигоре» cam­paign headed by chairman of British Airways.

37. The US elections have often been compared to a circus. It is a shame that the comparison has some truth in it. It is a time when a clear and precise estimate of the national situation should be made, a balance drawn and a course agreed on for the next period, but it is actually a time when the leading political contestants exert themselves most to deceive the public, falsify the record and lie about the future.

It is national aberration-time when politicians roam the land, trying to put matters more out of focus than usual. It is the time of statistics-twisting, juggling with facts, gymnastics in the position-taking, and hocus-pocus.

Such a situation is contrary to the interests of the people and to the national interest. More and more voters are disgusted with it. It is, therefore, more urgent than ever not only to bring the real issues to the fore and to mobilize the broadest possible coalition around «people before profits» solutions, but also to take steps to restore — or to impart — to elections their real function, to correct what is wrong and to steer a better course for the future.

38. There are powerful big business lobbies in the capital, and an ele­ment in the Democratic Party here favors pampering multinational corpo­rations.

This group insists that any legislation favorable to working people in the state must also include financial incentives to big business.

Labor observers here see a similarity between recent contract negotia­tions and the approach of big business to legislation. «Маке it worth our while,» they say, «or we'll pack up and leave.»

Corporations shut plants and move operations in order to maximize profits.

Some move to get out from union contracts. Some move to states of­fering financial incentives. Some move to the South where wages are low. Some move totally out of the US.

The legislative proposals, which are not yet fully formulated, lean heavily in the direction of the corporations. They offer increased incen­tives to keep corporations from moving out of the state — more profit — and place the burden of picking up the pieces after a plant has moved on the shoulders of the tax payers of the state.

39. Officialdom in Huyton, Liverpool, does not know the meaning of democracy, which we are supposed to have in Britain.

They charge what rent and rates they like and think they are doing us a favour if they do any maintenance or repairs to the council housing, which they assume they own, as apparently the councillors do not regard themselves as the elected representatives of the people.

40. The Prime Minister has come down heavily in favour of waiting for a consensus to build, based on the belief that «a strong leader is not needed for the Japanese people because they themselves are full of vitality». But his self-cast role as orchestra conductor to the numerous minis­tries and agencies in Tokyo while the body politic calls the tune is said by many to neglect the fact that participatory democracy is still only surface deep in Japan. Also, that role is directly at odds with the high-profile, ac­tive stances taken by former premiers.

Contrary to popular belief, the Prime Minister has not totally forsaken day-to-day political matters. He is well aware of the pressing problems: the Foreign Minister is being given a somewhat larger role to play in policy planning and is to lend a hand in calming the still rough Japan-US economic waters.

41. The Prime Minister's insistence on the «politics of waiting» and his homespun advice to proceed «slow and steady» have opened the door to critics of his approach to the running of the government and matters of state — but perhaps they have moved the discussion into an area that fits well within the premier's game plan.

There is little argument from any camp that the new government is facing problems — for instance, slow economic growth at home, the con­tinuing problems between Tokyo and. the United States, the difficulties involved in the emergence of a new political role for Japan and the on-again, off-again courtship of ASEAN. How quickly and in what manner these are approached does lead to disagreement.

42. Children demonstrating outside the Belgrave Children's Hospital in South London at the weekend marched to Downing Street to hand in a petition as part of a widely supported campaign which was launched in South London to keep the children's hospital open and persuade the local area health authority to improve facilities there.

The hospital's once thriving out-patients department is already being reduced, and staffing problems are getting worse. At weekends, one stu­dent is often left in charge of a ward.

But the hospital now faces a threat to close all the beds meaning that the only children's operating theatre in the district will shut down despite recent modernisation.

43. The worsening economic problems of the country derive ulti­mately from causes which no party or government can readily cure, even if it knew what to do. A century and more of industrial underinvestment, export of capital, low growth, failure to exploit innovation richly but vainly provided by British science (U. S. industry has done well out of British inventions neglected at home), — these are at the root of Britain's contemporary troubles. Labor did not cure them, but neither have the Tories.

44. His distinctly high-profile leadership conflicted with the ideas of other chiefs as to how an operation of this kind should be carried out.

45. The Chancellor of the Exchequer impressed on the House that all that was needed was that everyone should behave sensibly and realize that if the country threw away this opportunity it might be long before it got another anything like so favourable. Stable prices could be assured only by price reductions in the field where progress was fastest and if the benefits of progress for which the whole community was responsible were shared by the whole community.

46. That view will gain ground because a new shock awaits the Par­liamentary Labour Party and the Labour movement. The Prime Minister appears to have won the case, and carefully calculated leaks are coming from Cabinet Ministers to prepare us all for yet one more reversal of policy.

47. It is not the critics of the Minister of Economy who are cynical. That is a word which could be more accurately applied to a Minister who says he is for prices being kept down, and then supports a Budget which puts them up.

48. If the staff at Labour Party headquarters get the 12 1/2 per cent pay rise which it is reported they are to be offered, or the bigger increase they may ask for, they will no doubt congratulate themselves not only on their own efforts, but on having employers prepared to stand up to the Gov­ernment and defy the pay freeze.

49. The argument about whether the motor companies should release workers to the rest of the labour market rather than put them on short time reveals once again the great divide between economic ideas in the ab­stract and the way the British economy works at present.

50. The big question in industry today is security of employment. As redundancy and short-time working spread throughout the car industry and the many industries wholly or largely dependent upon it, as the same process operates in the other sections producing consumer durable goods of all kinds, like furniture and refrigerators, and as the programme of pit closures gets under way, workers everywhere must be worried about their own jobs even if they are not in one of the immediately hard-hit industries.

51. It is a thorough disgrace that a Labour council should be acting in this way. A Labour council should set an example as a model landlord, not as peacemaker for the avaricious, grasping private landlords. The rea­son for the increase in rents is the usual one — the council is in the red on its housing account. But that is not the fault of the tenants. It is the fault of the Government, which has failed to keep its election manifesto prom­ise to «introduce a policy of lower interest rates for housing». It is also the fault of the council for not insisting that the Government honour its pledge. Instead of an increase in rents, the council should insist that inter­est on housing loans should be cut. This is something the Government could do.